Wednesday, 16 January 2019

London 2012: Did the Olympics benefit all, or leave a legacy of widening social inequality?

The majestic Games deport commence a much sort after eccentric by cities around the world. It is seen as an opportunity for the urban center not wholly to enhance and broaden its profile, but surface type its potential as an charismatic place for enthronement (Hiller, 2006, p.318). This essay will explore the sociological encounter that the exceptionals have had on the city of nifty of the United Kingdom and its occupants. It will be argued that plot in that location argon numerous positive diddle shape do that come with legionsing the Olympics, not only ar the positive long term effects few and fara bearing between, but in that respect is a numerate of negative effects impacting those belonging to the modester socio-stinting group.By examining what has occurred in capital of the United Kingdom and analyze this grouchy Olympics to some past cities that have played host (Barcelona, Sydney, capital of Greece etc), this essay will show that while stimulating st inting growth, alter to the short term happiness of the inhabitants and more(prenominal) recently, promoting environmental sustain cleverness, the Olympics generally fill few benefits for socially excluded groups. Firstly, by looking at the history of the fiver capital of the United Kingdom boroughs to be transformed by the Olympics, we will read whether row theory is thus far a relevant issue for capital of the United Kingdom and if Marx and Webbers conceits are take over applicable.The argument will then be divided into economic, social, ethnic and political spheres, with each existence discussed in damage how they were affected by hosting the Olympics in capital of the United Kingdom. The Olympics may be of only short duration however its impact and meaning may exist far beyond the event itself for the host city (Hiller, 2000, p.440). The most visible of these impacts relates to the infrastructural improvements. all told host cities carry divulge extensive regenera tion of urban areas and in London most of this clean up and reorientation of city spaces occurred in thefive eastmost London Olympic host boroughs of Newham, Tower Hamlets, Hackney, Waltham wood and Greenwich. (LERI, 2007, p. 5).Traditionally, East London has been the heart of manufacturing and industrial institute it has been home to Londons working classes and has remained relatively poor compared to the rest of the city. In the eventually decade improvements in infrastructure and the regeneration of Londons docklands has seen the boroughs become socially polarised with small pockets of relative affluence surrounded by the still high c one timentration of relative poverty. The present day London is immensely different to Marxs 19th century version, yet the re-emergence of class as a defining factor has seen a new generation of those once again world influenced by his writing and evolutionary vision.Marx believed that class is outgo understood in terms of economic factors his theoretical model is of a two class structure of owners and non-owners (Habibis & angstrom Walter, 2009, p. 18). Todays London is not that different, austerity measures and emerging un date have deepened the gulf dividing the haves and the have nots. In the New York Times, an article by Katrin Bennhold (2012, April 26) states More than a third of British land is still in aristocratic hands, according to a 2010 self-command survey by Country Life magazine.In the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition cabinet, 15 of the 23 ministers went to Oxford or Cambridge. With this in mind, Webbers multidimensional model of dissimilarity and his argument that it is power rather than class that ultimately determines the distribution of resources in society (Habibis & Walter, 2009, p.19) croup be used to explain how London is before long being governed. Webber placed much emphasis on the merchandise and in doing so was able to account for the importance of non-material resources, much( prenominal) as education and skills. Most of those living in the East London in the jumper cable up to the Olympics were young, lacking a proper education or skill base and therefore had little or no kinship to the market, and so, no power.Like Webber, Bourdieu overly believed that non-economic factors were important as sources of social power (Habibas & Walter, 2009, p. 50). He would have made much of the fact that, of Londons elite and those who currently hold power, most attended the same esteemed private schools, therefore creating social and cultural capital to use as a resource that few in the eastern boroughs could even reverie of. In the lead up to the London 2012 Olympics the world was confronted with what has become know now as theGlobal Financial Crisis (GFC). This economic depression guide to an increase in unemployment and poverty throughout the world, particularly in the case of those already belonging to socially excluded groups.Social exclusion relates not only to economic disadvantage but includes the exclusion of people or groups from participation in mainstream social and economic life (Habibis and Walter 2009, p.78). The impact of the GFC was reported as leave a whole generation of young people with opportunities that dont live up to their aspirations, to the point where they may abandon hope for the future at all. The crisis means they almost invariably face fewer and slight well paid entry-level jobs at e really level, from graduate openings to factory work (Apps, 2011).This unrest led to the London riots only 12 months before the city was to host the Olympics. Londons Olympic bid was promoted as being aimed directly at developing an extensive renewal process to enshroud the social and economic problems faced by those living in the eastern boroughs (LERI, 2007, p. 5). In economic terms, the infrastructural developments and large building projects are important because of their ability to attract investment and increase emplo yment opportunities. For London, the games link construction body process is estimated to support a 13.5 billion contribution to the UK GDP and the equivalent of 267, 000 geezerhood of employment in the UK economy between 2005 and 2017 (Oxford Economics, 2012, p.2). moreover, national figures from December 2012 show a decline of 25 000 construction jobs during the year (Moulds, 2012). In the lead up to the Athens Olympics in 2004, employment went up by 7%, however once the games were over Greek industry lost 70 000 jobs, chiefly in construction (LERI, 2007, p.55). The economic benefits from the flagship developments and major projects are suppositious to filter down to all groups over time, yet for socially excluded groups, there are often no benefits. Instead, the impacts are often negative, with house prices rising and the cost of living increasing. Those who benefit are the existing asset holders and generous middle class (Ryan-Collins & Jackson, 2008, p.4). The social a nd cultural impacts of hosting the Olympics have in the past been more about the feel good aspects of the games (Smith, 2009, p.117), than any particular form of social sustainability.Past Olympic host cities, particularly Atlanta, Athens and Sydney, have essay to use the games as an opportunity for long-term social legacies. However research suggests thatSydney was the only city where a legacy for a socially excluded group (the Homelessness Protocol) was unrelenting (Minnaert, 2011, p.370). For East London, lead important interchanges have taken place since the Olympics. Firstly, transport services to the area, especially Stratford have been dramatically improved. Secondly, in order to compete with the huge new Westfield obtain centre, the local Stratford shopping centre was given a comeover, yet is still providing cheap, affordable goods for low income families.And finally, local schools have benefitted to the extent that they have lifted their performance from very poor to be able to compete with the national levels (Power, 2012). Minnaert (2011, p.363) has recognised three growing Olympic legacies for socially excluded groups skills/volunteering, employment, and sports participation. The Olympics has been ac experienced as providing volunteering programmes that improve skills and employability, yet Hiller (2006, p.320) highlights that the model for the Olympic volunteer is best suited to primarily sportsmanlike collar workers.The vast majority of Londons unemployed are young, with a poor education and little skill base. As pointed out by Habibis and Walter (2009, p. 134) ours is a knowledge based society and those who possess the knowledge and skills (the highly educated) are the ones who gain access to the rewards. The same issue applies when reviewing the idea of increased employment opportunities for the host city population. Whilst it is abundantly obvious that yes, there are more jobs, most are not evenly distributed employment opportunities us ually benefit those who already have the skills and education required to adjudicate and obtain work, with or without, these increased opportunities (Minneart, 2011, p. 363).The economic impact of the London 2012 Olympic and Paralympic games (2012, p.32) states that 3000 previously unemployed workers (70% of them from the host boroughs) were employed in the construction of the Olympic Park and Athletes village, yet these jobs are unlikely to be permanent as research into the legacies of the Barcelona and Athens Olympics suggests that job creation tends to be temporary, often modify by migrant and transient workers, with little or no change in overall employment rates (East Thames Group, 2007 p.4).One of Londons promises during the bid for the 2012 Olympic games was to inspire a new generation to take up sport (DCMS, 2012, p.3). In the pastthe Olympics has been linked to increased participation in sport (Minnaert, 2011, p.363), yet there is little to suggest that these new partici pants are from any socially excluded groups. Although money, or lack of it, may play a part in this, another inhibiting factor is that sport involvement is to a fault linked to cultural capital (Minnaert, 2011, p.363). Bourdieu used cultural capital to affect to a form of value associated with consumption patterns, lifestyle choices, social attributes and baronial qualifications (Habibis & Walter, 2009, p. 48). It is comparable to other resources like economic capital in that it not only impacts lifestyles but also life chances.Bourdieu believed cultural capital could be converted to economic capital through education. By displace their children to expensive private schools, working class parents can purchase the cultural power needed to move into middle class jobs (Habibis & Walter, 2009, p.109). It is still too early to tell whether London has succeeded in getting more people to take up a sport, but evidence suggests that in the past the Olympics has failed to show sustai ned participation once it is over (Minnaert, 2011, p. 363).Those who make the stopping points in London today hail not from backgrounds that anyone in East London could possibly relate to. The current UK conservative-liberal coalition government is comprised mainly of the affluent, privately educated, upper class. They and the global business leaders of the world were the decision makers for the London Olympics and decided how London was to be changed and regenerated. Western nations are currently seeing a rising influence of neoliberal discourses where the shift to a market influenced distribution has taken the place of a state related redistribution (Habibis & Walter, 2009, p.105).Indeed the London Olympics has even been called the Neoliberal games (Renton, 2012). Renton (2012) argues that with all the corporate sponsorship from entities much(prenominal) as BP, McDonalds, and Rio Tinto, the 2012 Olympic games are a reflection of the injustices and inequalities of the current economic system.One of the five government promises of the Olympic legacy was to demonstrate that the UK is a creative, inclusive and welcoming place to live in, visit and for business (LERI, 2009, p.6). Yet in the lead up to the games, there was suggestions of social cleansing occurring as councils attempted torelocate those claiming the lodgement benefit to areas outside the city (Bowater, 2012). There is also still debate over whether the Olympic legacy of affordable housing will eventuate. Affordable housing was also meant to be one of the legacies of the London Olympics, yet with the recent cap on the housing benefit, many are doubtful that those with low income will be able to remain in the regenerated areas (Moore, 2012).In conclusion, it is noted that while hosting the Olympics boosts a cities international profile, particularly regarding investment and touristry it does not benefit all. While some improvements have been seen in the host boroughs like better school perform ances, more hopefulness and resilience, the increasing global fiscal strain is causing cuts to funding and resources that may now turn the clock back and leave these areas even worse off than they were before the Olympics. The lasting legacy could be that with the local sporting facilities removed to make way for the large Olympic complexes, many will no longer be able to afford to use them.With class still playing such an important role in determining life chances, particularly in London, the need to build a social system where education and skills attainment are genuinely based on meritocratic principals rather than class hierarchy is the only way that inequality can be reduced. The Olympics has unendingly been based on such meritocratic principals and it is the socially responsibility of those in power to see that as so much public investment is spent on financing such a large event, that it can only be justified if all benefit by being completely socially inclusive.

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